Tuesday, December 25, 2012

Who Goes To Prison Due To Gun Control?- OpEd Eurasia Review

Who Goes To Prison Due To Gun Control?- OpEd Eurasia Review:

Who Goes To Prison Due To Gun Control?- OpEd


December 22, 2012
Somehow, left-liberals have associated the cause of gun rights with white racism, when if anything it is gun control that has a racist legacy. In the United States, early gun laws targeted recently freed blacks, and open carry first became banned in California under Governor Ronald Reagan to disarm groups like the Black Panthers. Today, blacks and Hispanics are disproportionately subjected to humiliating stop-and-frisk searches in the name of gun control.
Perhaps the most telling data concerns the racial makeup of who goes to prison for gun violations. According to the U.S. Sentencing Commission, for Fiscal Year 2011, 49.6% of those sentenced to federal incarceration with a primary offense of firearms violations were black, 20.6% were Hispanic, and only 27.5% were white.
United States
United States
This is how gun laws actually work—those caught violating them go to prison. For the mere act of owning an illegal weapon—not necessarily for using it, not for threatening anyone with it, not for being irresponsible with it—people who have harmed no one are locked up in prison for years at a time. As with the rest of the criminal justice system, particularly the war on drugs, these laws disproportionately harm the poor and minorities. That is the inescapable reality of gun control.
It makes sense that blacks and others living in the inner city would rely more on private, illegal guns for self-defense. The police are unreliable at best in many of these communities. It also makes sense that minorities would be disproportionately hurt by these laws, because so many of the dynamics in play are the same as with the drug war—people are being punished for what they own, rather than what they have done to others; it is easier for police to go after those in poor neighborhoods than to search middle-class folks in nice neighborhoods; jurors approved by prosecutors tend to believe police testimony over the word of minority defendants; prosecutors tend to use discretion in possession crime cases that fall more painfully on the disenfranchised; public defenders offer inadequate services for those loads of court-appointed clients, and so forth.
Left-liberals will respond that the racist implementation of gun laws is a problem independent of firearms policy, that we need stricter laws against guns and we’ll deal with inequity in prosecution and sentencing separately. But rarely do they make the same point with drug policy. Progressives know that in origin and in practice, drug policy is unmistakably racist. There is no way to easily purge the system of its racist elements—the problems are too entrenched. Yet these people somehow don’t fully grasp that this is just as unavoidably true as it concerns gun control policy.
When it comes to restricting firearms, liberals have an amazing ability to ignore the hard truth of what they are advocating—putting more people in cages. That is what gun controlis. Sometimes it almost seems like progressives are completely blind to this obvious reality—that they understand the problems with drug laws, that they see laws like Three Strikes unfairly punish people for minor property crimes, that they detect a problem with the death penalty even for convicted murderers, that they know that for the whole range of criminal offenses, the state tends to go overboard in dealing with the accused. Except for gun control! On this, we can expect equity, fairness, and efficiency! In truth, putting people in cages won’t make a dent in criminal gun ownership, just as having a half million people behind bars for drug offenses has hardly stemmed the availability of illicit drugs. But that’s a whole other set of questions.
There are a hundred reasons why I oppose gun control. But here is one that lefties, if they are to be consistent at all, need to take to heart: More gun laws mean more peaceful people, disproportionately young black and brown men, who have committed no violence against anyone, being locked up in cells. That might make you feel safer. But it makes me feel like I live in a mockery of a free, humane society.

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About the author:
Anthony Gregory
Anthony Gregory is a Research Editor at The Independent Institute. His articles have appeared in the San Diego Union-Tribune, East Valley Tribune (AZ), Contra Costa Times, The Star (Chicago, IL), Washington Times, Vacaville Reporter, Palo Verde Times, and other newspapers.

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Saturday, December 22, 2012

Rachel Maddow: NRA meaningful contributions same old song and dance

Rachel Maddow: NRA meaningful contributions same old song and dance:
(Pittsburg's mayor: Gives his opinion on NRA's public announcement on Sandy Hook.)
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Rachel Maddow: NRA meaningful contributions same old song and dance

Rachel Maddow: NRA meaningful contributions same old song and dance:
(Pittsburg's mayor: Gives his opinion on NRA's public announcement on Sandy Hook.)
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Friday, December 21, 2012

The Last Word: Conservative Judge rewrites himself on guns

The Last Word: Conservative judge rewrites himself on guns:

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The Last Word: So whats Plan C for fiscal cliff?

The Last Word: So whats Plan C for fiscal cliff?:

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"Lincoln": The Underbelly of the Democratic Process

"Lincoln": The Underbelly of the Democratic Process:

"Lincoln": The Underbelly of the Democratic Process

Sunday, 09 December 2012 07:06By Aaron LeonardTruthout | Movie Review
Abraham Lincoln.(Photo: Wikimedia)Spielberg's masterwork movie Lincolnprovokes a re-examination of our history - and our present.
One watches Spielberg's Lincoln with mixed emotions. This is a masterwork of acting, cinematic detail and epic history. It is a story that does not stay on the surface; the dialogue is rich and thoughtful. Most astonishing of all is to see a matter so central to the history of the United States discussed in ways many will find revelatory. The Civil War was unambiguously, at its core, a war about whether or not the US would continue to legally embrace slavery. For example, the presence of "Radical Republicans" like Thaddeus Stevens will no doubt surprise people - that in the mid-19th century there were white people passionately committed, not just to the abolition of slavery, but to the full equality of those who would be freed from such bondage. Perhaps most compellingly we see, Daniel Day Lewis' Lincoln: a man of intelligence, charm and inner conflict. He becomes real to us in ways unimaginable before seeing this film.
Yet at its core there is something vexing. It is 1865, two years since Lincoln signed theEmancipation Proclamation declaring slavery ended in the states and territories in rebellion (i.e. the South). Now the matter of adopting a Constitutional Amendment (the 13th), making slavery illegal in the US as a whole, is on the agenda. Here is where the film lives. We are largely treated to two-and half-hours of Congressional maneuvering that presents us with what for me is a peculiar inverted thinking. For this film, it is an act of Congress - with war as a backdrop - that brought slavery to an end, rather than the reverse: that it was Civil War - with all the blood and sacrifice that entailed - that brought Congress to act.
Indeed there is a scene where Abraham Lincoln sits across the table from Confederate Vice President Alexander Stevens - ostensibly trying to come to terms of a peace. Stevens tells Lincoln that it is war that has brought them to this, to which Lincoln responds with a homily - amid swelling music - on the importance and imperfectness of democracy. Yet Stevens seems the one more in sync with reality. Slavery was "democratically" enshrined in the US Constitution; its inclusion was what allowed for the coherence of the nation. It was only through this war that the basis for a reconstitution was laid. While the violence of the war was truly awful, it was a violence, as the film shows, that included allowing former slaves to fight with the Union Army - not only denying the South of the aid of its "property," but energizing the Union Army through the addition of forces with a passionate interest in fighting.
In the end, the North prevailed, but its eagerness to reintegrate the former Confederacy - emblematic in the scene in which Union soldiers remove their hats in deference to Robert E. Lee - meant that former slaves would not be fully free. After the brief and bold experiment of Reconstruction, much of what had been gained in the Congressional fight we see in the film - and other even more radical Constitutional measures that came later (the 14th and 15th Amendments) - was viciously rolled back to be supplanted by a brutal and murderous white supremacy. Ensuing decades of contention were required to finally bring black people close to legal equality: such things as the struggle in the early 20th century against lynching, the Civil Rights movements of the 1950s and '60s and the urban insurrections that followed - and the advent of a Black Power movement after that. Even with all that and the passage of so much time, we remain saddled today with the staggering incarceration rate for black men, draconian stop-and-frisk tactics by local police in black and Latino neighborhoods, and myriad other modalities that maintain these oppressive social relations.
In the end, one watches Lincoln with a disturbing thought. Viewed one way, we see how far things went. Indeed the seminal scene is watching this amendment finally make its way toward passage, something unimaginable only a few years earlier. And at that point, we are meant to cheer for Thaddeus Stevens when he dials down his rhetoric and does not proclaim black people equal in all ways to whites. In this way, the film tempers our expectations, anchors them to archaic institutions and tells us not to overreach. Viewed from how much remains undone, we are left asking, is this the most we can hope for? Shouldn't we try for more?
Copyright, Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission of the author.

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