Saturday, April 14, 2012

Ronald Reagan: Welfare Queen of Montana

Ronald Reagan: Welfare Queen of Montana:


Ronald Reagan: Welfare Queen of Montana

By Rick Perlstein, Rolling Stone
11 February 12

ere is one thing we know about Mitt Romney: He loves Ronald Reagan (or at least he does now). Here is another: He also loves the Cayman Islands. It's something he kind of shares with the Gipper: creativity in sheltering his fortune from the prying eyes of tax collectors. But here's something he does not share with Ronald Reagan at all: skill at waving his hands and making the story go away. Not many people remember this now, but when Reagan was governor of California in the early 1970s, it came out that he'd paid no state income taxes - none - one year, despite being a wealthy man. And yet, he went on to run - twice - for the highest office in the land, without the revelation making any sort of dent at all. Learn from the master, Mitt.
It happened like this. One Friday in late April of 1971, a student-operated radio station at Sacramento State College reported that Reagan's 1970 California tax return claimed the governor owed precisely zero dollars and zero cents.
Brazen stuff. For one thing, Gov. Reagan pulled his tax dodge during an election year, when he was running for a second term. For another, his big crusade after reelection was fighting the Democratic legislature's attempts to institute tax withholding on salaries to make up for a budget shortfall. He wanted people should know exactly what they were paying; "taxes should hurt," was his slogan.
The following week, the story was the talk of the State Capitol. At Reagan's weekly press conference, after he announced the state was running so short of cash that by fall it would be forced, for the first time since the Great Depression, to rely on outside borrowing to pay the bills - because, of course, Democrats were "playing fast and loose with the fiscal integrity of this state for purely partisan advantage" - a newsman asked him if it was true that he himself had contributed nothing to state coffers the previous year. Obviously taken aback, he responded slowly: "You know something? I don't actually know whether I did or not. I'd have to check up .... I have a fellow making it our for me — a lawyer makes it out." He added, "I know in the federal the last couple of years I got a rebate back."
Five minutes after the press conference his office released a one-sentence statement: "Because of business reverses of Gov. Reagan's investments, he owed no state income tax for 1970."
Well. The UPI wire service did the accounting. It turned out that, in addition to his $41,100 salary as governor, for which a Californian would ordinarily owe $2,700 without deductions, Reagan had sold 236 acres of his Yearling Row Ranch in the Malibu Mountains in 1968 to 20th Century Fox studios for a reported $1.93 million. (To figure these sums in current dollars, multiply by a factor of about 5.5). He refused to say how this all added up to an absence of taxable income. He also refused to make his tax records public, or say what the "business reversals" were - refused with a vengeance. Arriving at the Capitol the next day, asked whether he would clarify his federal tax status, he answered, "Why should I have to clarify the status? Frankly, I think the Capitol press corps demeaned itself a little by engaging in invasion of privacy." (Turn the question around, playing the victim card against the wicked jackals of the press: Newt Gingrich would absorb the lesson well.)
As the kerfuffle grew, Reagan stuck to his guns. It was, he insisted, the patriotic thing to do: "We fought a war about that!" he snapped. "I say all men have a right to be safe in their books and records. That's what the revolution was all about." And he claimed the return had to have been leaked by a temporary worker hired to open tax returns - which would mean the Capitol press corps was abetting a crime.
The story made the New York Times four days after it broke: "Suddenly this spring," the paper noted, "Governor Ronald Reagan has become embroiled in one of the bitterest controversies of his four-and-a-half year career." Well, not really. Actually, the issue never much took off. Only one politician proved palpitatingly ambitious enough to take advantage of the story and release his own taxes. His name was Jimmy Carter. Of the networks, only ABC paid attention, giving the story all of twenty seconds. And the Democrats were too high-minded in their attacks to be effectual: Certain the governor had done nothing illegal, they spoke earnestly of changing the laws. (Buffett Rule-a-go-go: "It's interesting - or perhaps saddening - that an unskilled laborer with an income of $5,000 a year paid more state taxes than our governor," a California state senator commented to the Times.) As today - see Colbert, Stephen - it took jesters to really speak truth to power. The California Welfare Rights Organization attempted to present Reagan with a "Highest Paid Welfare Recipient" award; Fresno State students organized a canned-food-and-clothing drive to help the governor through hard times. (A libertarian group on the same campus, conversely, sent him a sincere note of congratulations: "You are a true tax rebel.")
Meanwhile, conservative titan William F. Buckley charged to his hero's defense, in terms that would become familiar Romneyian parlance: "Somebody, giving pause to the demagogic imperative to tirade against wealthy men, should point out that if a rich man pays no taxes 'because of business reverses,' that means that he is - net - less well off than he would have been if he had paid taxes." Liberal columnists Frank Mankiewicz and Tom Braden weren't buying it: "What he really was talking about were the paper reverses that abound in the tax field, artificially created expenses and deductions which cancel out income and profits."
They were right, and Buckley was wrong. One month later, the Sacramento Bee broke the story of how things really went down with Reagan's taxes, and it was a doozy. The governor had contracted to have cattle he owned "managed" by a company called Oppenheimer Industries, which in its brochures advertised to clients with a net worth of at least $500,000. "Federal tax laws favor cattle if you pick the right kind and stick to the rules. Herds of beef cows top the list. When you buy them, you become a farmer and can keep your books on a cash basis. You put in dollars that depreciate or are deductible. You take out capital gains." Voila: newly minted cattlemen - their ranks, the Bee reported, also included Jacky Benny and Alfred Hitchcock - "lose" enough money on cows raised hundreds or thousands of miles away "to avoid or postpone payment of any income tax, state or federal."
The New York Times was the only outlet to follow up. The paper tracked down a Montana rancher who domiciled beasts for Oppenheimer. "This is strictly a tax dodge on their part," he attested. The Times also found nifty brands signifying ownership by the "Reagan Cattle Company" on steer in three different states - a "Trident Bar R" mark in Wyoming, "Gunsight Rocking R" in Nevada, and "Gunsight R" in Montana. (Reagan had, to be fair, starred with Barbara Stanwyck in the 1954 Cattle Queen of Montana.) The Times also found a copy of Reagan's contract, "signed for him by his personal attorney and close friend, William French Smith." Long-memoried political junkies of a certain age will recall that President Reagan later named Smith attorney general of the United States.
The governor's defense was rice-paper thin: "I have been interested in cattle, horses, and ranching all my life. It is an ordinary part of my business and I intend to continue with it even if it is a relatively small investment." The question-begging was magnificent: If this was only a small investment, how were the reverses big enough to erase his tax bill? But the media response to this extraordinary scoop was - hardly anything at all. Few newspapers picked it up; no newscasts did. And, what was extraordinary, as Reagan became a more and more prominent figure and eventually the Leader of the Free World, the blot on his character created by the bald-faced lie simply disappeared.
Yes, the fact that he admitted to having paid no state taxes in 1970 recurred as boilerplate in years to come, in dozens of articles - but with the "business reverses" explanation always appended, unquestioned. (In a typical one - I love it - his gubernatorial successor Jerry Brown, known as "Governor Moonbeam," explained that he didn't bother to claim all his allowable deductions because "it doesn't turn me on." Brown is currently on his second tour of duty as California governor.) Occasionally, the fact that Reagan had availed himself of a "tax shelter" would be noted, but never that he had lied about it. Most of the time, "business reverses" played. When asked about it, he would respond in wounded, whining tones, insisting that he would have loved to have paid more; after all, who wanted to have had a bad fiscal year? And that would be that.
In 1976, Reagan ran for Republican nomination against President Gerald Ford. In January of that year he released an anemic little statement totting up the amount of taxes he had paid over the previous five years.On February 15, Ford's own tax release story broke - the modest Michigander had only $1,230 in the bank and paid nearly half of his salary in taxes - and Reagan took the occasion to adamantly refuse any further disclosure of his own. As it happened, February 15 was also the day Americans were introduced to another story about Ronald Reagan and taxes when New York Times ran an item featuring a centerpiece of Reagan's presidential campaign rhetoric: a "welfare queen" who, he claimed, fictitiously, "has eighty names, thirty addresses, twelve Social Security cards and is collecting veterans benefits on four non-existent deceased .... She's got Medicaid, getting food stands, and she is collecting welfare under each of her names. Her tax-free cash income is over $150,000." He almost won the Republican nomination - and in a year in which a post-Watergate climate of financial disclosure was supposedly the public's obsession. His tax lies made no appreciable difference. Certainly fewer people know about them than "know," say, that "Al Gore claimed to have invented the Internet."
Nancy Reagan, after the dust-up in 1971, said she hoped her husband would never run for another office again, because though she'd "always believed that people are basically good, and I'm trying very hard to hold on to that," politics was "dirty." (She claimed, too, "We've never avoided taxes. We've never taken advantage of anything.") Apparently, she got over it. Her husband admitted he told his accountants, after the flap, to make sure he paid taxes. And by his next time 'round the track, running against Jimmy Carter in 1980, he'd gotten over his aversion to financial disclosure, his accountants by then having padded things nicely so as to avoid unwelcome insinuations.
"After resisting such disclosures for years as an intrusion of his privacy, Ronald Reagan Thursday released his 1979 federal tax returns and said that he paid $230,886 on an adjusted gross income of $515,878" - that was the Los Angeles Times, on August 1, 1980. Also noted, way down at the end of the story, was that Reagan had lately been coming under fire for having paid just .09 percent in property taxes on his million-dollar "Rancho del Cielo" in the Santa Barbara hills. No matter. From then on, no one talked much about Ronald Reagan's taxes. The Gipper had made the issue go away. He won the election. He became known as the "Teflon President" - nothing stuck to him.
Mitt Romney is a lot more sticky. Lacking the Reagnite gumption to hold fast in a hustle for more than a few weeks, his attempts at fending off scrutiny only attracted more questions - and by the way, in the four years he had between presidential campaigns, Romney apparently never thought to restructure his financials in any sort of deceptively benign way. Reagan, on the other hand, held off the dogs for almost ten years with a masterful repertoire of moves - wounded indignation, question-begging, subject-changing, and above all, brazen repetition. And he figured out how to rejigger his financial arrangements sufficiently so that he ended up owing a regular-guy tax rate when it came time to do a reveal that proved grandiose enough to close off any interest in further inquiry.
Governor Romney, I know Ronald Reagan. You're no Ronald Reagan.

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Wednesday, April 11, 2012

Top Ten Koch Facts « SpeakEasy

Top Ten Koch Facts « SpeakEasy:

comments7 COMMENTS

Top Ten Koch Facts

Co-authored by Jesse Lava
Everyone seems to be investigating Charles and David Koch lately, with exposés of their corrupt political behavior popping up in places like the New Yorker,AlterNetThinkProgress, and Brave New Foundation’s film Koch Brothers Exposed. Naturally, the billionaire brothers don’t like the attention, so they’re responding to it by smearing the activists and journalists. In their panic, they have now taken out Google ads attacking me and plastered an ominous image of my eyes on their website, like so:
They made me look like Emperor Palpatine. But who’s really representing the Dark Side here? The truth is that the billionaire brothers bankrolling the conservative movement are using their wealth in a way that should be terrifying to anyone who thinks democracy is about more than pulling a lever every two years and letting rich folks take care of the rest.
Accordingly, here are 10 facts that every American should know about who the Kochs are and what they’re doing to our country.
1. Koch Industries, which the brothers own, is one of the top ten polluters in the United States — which perhaps explains why the Kochs have given $60 million to climate denial groups between 1997 and 2010.
2. The Kochs are the oil and gas industry’s biggest donors to the congressional committee with oversight of the hazardous Keystone XL oil pipeline. They and their employees gave more than $300,000 to members of the House Energy and Commerce Committee in 2010 alone.
3. From 1998-2008, Koch-controlled foundations gave more than $196 million to organizations that favor polices that would financially enrich the two brothers. In addition, Koch Industries spent $50 million on lobbying and some $8 million in PAC contributions.
4. The Koch fortune has its origins in engineering contracts with Joseph Stalin’s Soviet Union.
5. The Kochs are suing to take over the Cato Institute, which has accused the Kochs of attempting to destroy the group’s identity as an independent, libertarian think and align it more closely with a partisan agenda.
6. A Huffington Post source who was at a three-day retreat of conservative billionaires said the Koch brothers pledged to donate $60 million to defeat President Obama in 2012 and produce pledges of $40 million more from others at the retreat.
7. Since 2000, the Kochs have collected almost $100 million in government contracts, mostly from the Department of Defense.
8. Koch Industries has an annual production capacity of 2.2 billion pounds of the carcinogen formaldehyde. The company has worked to keep it from being classified as a carcinogen even though David Koch is a prostate cancer survivor.
9. The Koch brothers’ combined fortune of roughly $50 billion is exceeded only by that of Bill Gates in the United States.
10. The Senate Select Committee on Indian Affairs accused Koch Oil of scheming to steal $31 million of crude oil from Native Americans. Although the company claimed it was accidental, a former executive in this operation said Charles Koch had known about it and had responded to the overages by saying, “I want my fair share, and that’s all of it.”
That last quote — “I want my fair share, and that’s all of it” — encapsulates the unbridled greed driving the Kochs’ political activism and business dealings. Democracy cannot thrive with so much power being in the hands of men like this. If we care about democracy, we have to work to take it back.

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Thursday, April 5, 2012

FOCUS: Scalia, Fox's Man in Washington?

FOCUS: Scalia, Fox's Man in Washington?:


Scalia, Fox's Man in Washington?

By Matthew DeLuca, The Daily Beast
05 April 12

The Supreme Court justice more than once cited arguments that are suspiciously similar to ones made often on the right wing’s favorite news source, writes Matt DeLuca.
s Roger Ailes clerking for Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia?
One might be forgiven for thinking so following last week’s oral arguments on the health-care law before the nation’s highest court.
As has been pointed out elsewhere, some of Scalia’s questions from the bench made use of the tone and even the diction of the attacks on the Affordable Care Act frequently heard on Fox News and conservative talk-radio shows.
After Scalia picked up on the idea that a government empowered to have its citizens buy health insurance or face a penalty may also strong arm them into buy some other good, such as broccoli, Charles Fried, who served as solicitor general under President Ronald Reagan, told The Washington Post that the court was trumpeting “the most tendentious of the Tea Party arguments.”
“I even heard about broccoli,” Fried said. “The whole broccoli argument is beneath contempt. To hear it come from the bench was depressing.”
On the second day of arguments, Scalia did indeed invoke the humble crucifer.
“Why do you define the market that broadly?” Scalia asked Solicitor General Donald Verrilli. “Could you define the market? Everybody has to buy food sooner or later, so you define the market as food. Therefore everybody is in the market, therefore you can make people buy broccoli.”
Scalia was far from the first to use the idea. That distinction may go to C. Roger Vinson, a federal judge in Florida, who brought up the broccoli-as-health-care analogy during one of the earliest cases against the ACA, in December 2010.
Scalia Chicago
Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia speaks to students at the University of Chicago Law School on Monday, Feb. 13, 2012 in Chicago. , Brian Kersey / AP Photo
In that case, Ian Gershengorn, an attorney with the U.S Justice Department, had argued that the government can constitutionally regulate the purchasing of health-care insurance under the Constitution's Commerce Clause. In response, the states’ attorney, David B. Rivkin, contended the government cannot regulate what citizens choose not to do (such as not buy health insurance).
Vinson asked Rivkin, “They can decide how much broccoli everyone should eat each week?”
“Certainly,” Rivkin replied.
(Rivkin, an attorney at Baker & Hostetler in Washington D.C., told The Daily Beast that this wasn’t the only time he used a food product as a way to illustrate what he saw as flaws with the individual mandate. Recalling a previous debate with Fried, Rivkin said, “I got him to agree that if you can support the insurance purchase mandate you can support a mandate to purchase Froot Loops.”)
Ultimately, Vinson ruled that the health-care plan’s individual mandate was unconstitutional, and on those grounds found the entire piece of legislation to be unconstitutional, but when Fox reported on the case, Vinson’s broccoli remark led the story.
Then, in early February, Fox News picked up the thread, when one of its guests, Chapman University law professor John Eastman, said, “If the government can order you to buy health insurance it can order you to buy broccoli, it can order you to buy General Motors cars.”
Fox legal analyst Andrew Napolitano jumped in. “I don’t see where they found in the Constitution the authority for the Congress to force you to buy something,” Napolitano said last July on Fox. “Not a hat in the sun, not broccoli at dinner, but health insurance.”
By the time Scalia weighed in last week, the broccoli analogy had acquired slightly more legal nuance, but it was essentially the same.

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Tuesday, April 3, 2012

Will Occupy Spring Forward Or Meltdown? By Shamus Cooke

Will Occupy Spring Forward Or Meltdown? By Shamus Cooke:

Will Occupy Spring Forward Or Meltdown?
By Shamus Cooke
12 February, 2012
Countercurrents.org
A healthy debate has finally gripped the Occupy Movement: there is now a discussion over strategy. Most Occupiers have learned that raw enthusiasm alone cannot bring victory to a social movement; ideas matter too. Action divorced from strategy equals wasted energy, divisiveness, diversions and unnecessary mistakes. Not all tactics push the movement forward.
Why this debate now? Anyone paying attention can tell that the Occupy Movement has lost momentum; the winter months showcased increasing amount of actions combined with fewer and fewer people. After taking the lead in national Occupy enthusiasm, Occupy Oakland is doing some soul searching after an attempted building takeover resulted in massive police violence.
Some Occupiers claim that Occupy was simply in winter hibernation, waiting for its own Arab Spring. But the movement in Europe has grown during the same winter months. The movements in the Middle East, Russia, and elsewhere too have voted with their feet against hibernation.
A social movement, by definition, requires masses of participants, without which momentum grinds to a halt; the movement ceases to move.
Numbers matter, and Occupy has been shedding numbers for months. A major reason for this is because Occupiers have swerved drastically left, leaving the broader 99% ashore. If this trend isn't corrected soon, Occupy will resemble the pre-Occupy left: small isolated groups pursuing their own issues, disconnected from the very broader population that must be involved to actually win any significant demands.
This is the original sin of Occupy: Without first sinking its roots deep enough into the broader population, Occupy marched quickly to the left, unconcerned with who was following. Hopefully Occupy can correct this mistake in time, since not doing so would be fatal fast.
Hopefully, Occupiers have passed through the movement's immature adolescence. For example, Occupy must shed its focus on radical-themed direct actions that inevitably attract only a couple hundred Occupiers but no one else. Again, this was the strategy of pre-Occupy that has already proved its lack of worth. Mass direction action is truly effective, but that raises the critical question: how to bring the masses of working people to Occupy, and vice versa?
Europe has already answered this question, having passed through the adolescence if its own movement, and now focused on bringing down unpopular governments. Greece, for example, went through an immature stage of rioting that showcased much bravery but could provide no real answers. Now, however, a massive workers movement has emerged, the entire 99% is directly involved in producing gigantic demonstrations that soon evolved into one-day General Strikes, and then two-day General Strikes. A common demand in Greece is now for an "indefinite general strike" to bring down the government and stop austerity, i.e., the massive cuts to public programs — education, health care, social services — and jobs.
Demands matter. The entire Greek population would not be going on strike against capitalism — at this time — or against corporate greed, etc.

Typically, an effective general strike — one where the entire 99% participates — happens after a prolonged struggle over demands that affect all working people, where they are agitated enough to take action in the streets. A general strike is the culmination of this movement, itself the byproduct of reaching out to and connecting with broader and broader layers of working people.
Throughout Europe working people are inspired to fight against austerity. Workers in the United States would likely also be inspired to fight against austerity. Unfortunately, there is no venue to do this. The labor and Occupy Movements have failed to take on the key issues that actually have the potential to unite the U.S. population in a European style social movement.
Austerity is happening fast in the United States; on a state-by-state level massive cuts are being pushed through while taxes on the rich stay low. Health care, education, and social services are being killed on a city, state, and federal level. Public sector jobs are being slashed in an epoch of mass joblessness. Medicare and Medicaid are undergoing a very public attack and Social Security is on the chopping block.
Yes, Occupy is too "radical" to unite around these demands; while the labor movement has acted too timidly. Some Occupiers avoid these demands because they fear Democrat co-optation; labor avoids seriously pressing for these demands because they don't want to upset the Democrats. This is exactly the point: the Democrats — with the Republicans — are the ones pushing these cuts. Fighting austerity in the United States directly challenges the two-party system, while engaging the broader population into struggle.
Without struggle there is no movement. If working people do not identify with the issues that Occupy is fighting for, they will not join, and Occupy's issues will remain un-achievable.
Occupy Oakland has called for a general strike on May Day. Unless conditions change fast, it is unlikely to succeed, and more likely it will put further distance between Occupy and working people, since the 99% will not take Occupy seriously if it calls for actions it cannot organize. Occupy would do better to follow Europe's example: organize around demands that connect with working people, so that the real power of the majority of working people can be mobilized in the streets.
Shamus Cooke is a social worker, trade unionist, and writer for Workers Action (www.workerscompass.org)

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Monday, April 2, 2012


Is your member of Congress serving you, or serving himself? Many lawmakers, when they approach retirement, begin negotiating with lobbying firms to receive multimillion dollar salaries after they leave office. In some cases, a Senator or Representative will slip language into a bill or write an earmark that benefits a special interest, and when they leave Congress, a big paycheck is waiting for them from the very same company.
While the process of public officials going to work for lobbying firms is often called the “revolving door,” we think this issue deserves more emphasis and urgency. With members of Congress secretly manipulating the laws we must all live under, and then receiving lavish rewards, so they can live lavish lifestyles, we call that Backdoor Bribery.
Yesterday, we published a report detailing the problem, and revealed that the lawmakers-turned-lobbyists we profiled received up to a 1,452 percent raise on average. Congressman Billy Tauzin (R-LA), for instance, made $158,100 as a lawmaker his last year in office. He went on to make nearly $20 million the next few years as a drug company lobbyist — after he wrote the law in Congress that prevents Medicare from negotiating for lower drug prices for seniors (a rule that costs taxpayers billions). And Backdoor Bribery occurs on both sides of the aisle. It was reported earlier this year that Congressman Bill Delahunt (D-MA) earmarked hundreds of thousands of dollars in special projects before retiring, then began a lobbying job that counts his earmark recipients as clients.
Members of Congress owe their loyalty to the people they represent, not to big companies offering them future riches. We need to stand up against this abuse of our democracy.
Today, the editors of Republic Report are sending a letter to the 36 members of Congress who have already announced they are retiring this year, asking them to at a minimum disclose to the public if they are currently negotiating with a private interest for a future job. They should make such discussions available on their congressional website, if they are still writing the laws we live under. Take a look at a sample copy of our letter:
Are current members of Congress already engaging in Backdoor Bribery? If you have a tip, let us know at tips@unitedrepublic.org
Update: Republic Report’s David Halperin explains the existing ethics rules and why were are asking for better disclosure here.
Update 2: Congressman Dale Kildee (D-MI) responded to our campaign; Congresswoman Jean Schmidt (R-OH) refused to address the issue, won’t comment on if she is negotiating to become a lobbyist. Watch the video here; Congressman Brad Miller (D-NC) endorsed our idea — see the video here.
Click more to for a list of the retiring lawmakers and their response to our letter:
    SENATE:
Joe Lieberman (I)
706 HART SENATE OFFICE BUILDING WASHINGTON DC 20510
(202) 224-4041
STATUS: Lieberman’s office has rejected our request. His spokesperson told us: “In response to the request of publishing the Senator’s future plan on our website; we have no plans to do so at the moment, as the Senator is not yet in negotiations for his next career move. He has however, stated publicly on numerous occasions that he will not enter into the lobbying industry.” Notably, Lieberman was honored recently by “hundreds” of corporate lobbyists, and hinted that he admired their profession.
Ben Nelson (D)
720 HART SENATE OFFICE BUILDING WASHINGTON DC 20510
(202) 224-6551
STATUS: Senator Nelson formally declined to sign our letter.
Daniel Akaka (D)
141 HART SENATE OFFICE BUILDING WASHINGTON DC 20510
(202) 224-6361
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Jeff Bingaman (D)
703 HART SENATE OFFICE BUILDING WASHINGTON DC 20510
(202) 224-5521
STATUS: Letter sent. Senator Bingaman’s office told Republic Report that they will get back to us soon.
Kent Conrad (D)
530 HART SENATE OFFICE BUILDING WASHINGTON DC 20510
(202) 224-2043
STATUS: Letter sent. Senator Conrad’s press secretary says the office will get back with Republic Report soon.
Kay Bailey Hutchison (R)
284 RUSSELL SENATE OFFICE BUILDING WASHINGTON DC 20510
(202) 224-5922
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Herb Kohl (D)
330 HART SENATE OFFICE BUILDING WASHINGTON DC 20510
(202) 224-5653
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Jon Kyl (R)
730 HART SENATE OFFICE BUILDING WASHINGTON DC 20510
(202) 224-4521
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Olympia Snowe (R)
154 RUSSELL SENATE OFFICE BUILDING WASHINGTON DC 20510
(202) 224-5344
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Jim Webb (D)
248 RUSSELL SENATE OFFICE BUILDING WASHINGTON DC 20510
(202) 224-4024
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
HOUSE:
Dale Kildee (D)
2107 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-3611
STATUS: Kildee’s staff received the letter and discussed it with the chief of staff. The congressman later told Republic Report that our request for transparent job negotiations should be the law, and that he would disclose his plans with anyone who asks. See the video here.
Jean Schmidt (R)
2464 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-3164
STATUS: Letter sent, no response. Republic Report caught up with Congresswoman Schmidt on Capitol Hill. The congresswoman refused to say if she will become a lobbyist, and had no comment on posting information about her future job negotiations. Watch the video here.
Brad Miller (D)
1127 Longworth House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-3032
STATUS: Letter sent. Republic Report spoke with Congressman Miller about the campaign, and he quickly endorsed the idea, telling us that although he does not plan to become a lobbyist, he will disclose any negotiations with lobbying firms on his website if he changes his mind. Miller explained that he requires his staff to disclose such negotiations to him privately, so he should be held to the same standard. Watch our interview here.
Jerry Lewis (R)
2112 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-5861
STATUS: Lewis’ office rejected our request. His spokesperson responded with a defiant tone: “At this point he’s really not discussing that…. He is not publicly discussing that.” Notably, Lewis’s aides have publicly advertised that their boss is seeking a job on K Street. Lewis remains a powerful player on the House Appropriations Committee, a seat that gives him wide leverage to distribute pork to special interests.
Heath Shuler (D)
229 Cannon House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-6401
STATUS: Letter sent, no response. As we’ve reported, Shuler is already negotiating to become a lobbyist, even as he positions himself to set major tax policy this year.
Barney Frank (D)
2252 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-5931
STATUS: Frank has refused our request. Speaking to Republic Report’s Zaid Jilani, Frank compared our request for simple disclosure to Grover Norquist’s anti-tax pledge. Although Frank says he has no plans to become an influence peddler, DC publications are buzzing that Wall Street lobbying groups are heavily recruiting the Massachusetts lawmaker to become a lobbyist next year.
Steve Austria (R)
439 Cannon House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-4324
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Dan Boren (D)
2447 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-2701
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Dan Burton (R)
2308 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-2276
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Dennis Cardoza (D)
2437 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-6131
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Jerry Costello (D)
2408 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-5661
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Geoff Davis (R)
1119 Longworth House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-3465
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Norm Dicks (D)
2467 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-5916
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
David Dreier (R)
233 Cannon House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-2305
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Elton Gallegly (R)
2309 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-5811
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Charlie Gonzalez (D)
1436 Longworth House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-3236
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Wally Herger (R)
242 Cannon House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-3076
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Maurice Hinchey (D)
2431 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-6335
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Sue Myrick (R)
230 Cannon House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-1976
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
John Olver (D)
1111 Longworth House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-5335
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Todd Platts (R)
2455 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-5836
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Mike Ross (D)
2436 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-3772
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Lynn Woolsey (D)
2263 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-5161
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Dennis Kucinich (D)
2445 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-5871
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Gary Ackerman (D)
2211 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-2601
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.
Don Manzullo (R)
2228 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20510
(202) 225-5676
STATUS: Letter sent, no response.